A woman reads a newspaper on the streets of Harare after Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa signed Amendment Bill No3 into law this month, extending his term by two years until 2030 and scraping direct presidential elections. Photo: Jekesai Njikizana / AFP

When Zimbabwean president Emmerson Mnangagwa, 83, signed legislation into law last week extending his term by two years to 2030, it was just the latest example of the resurgence of a worrying trend across Africa in recent years.
 
Since the beginning of the decade, Africa has witnessed several unconstitutional regime changes, and in countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Gabon, and Guinea, the emergence of hard coups has shattered the illusion of political stability on the continent in the 21st century, generating hard conversations about the state of democracy on the continent overall. Military takeovers in these countries have enabled soldiers to remove civilian governments to the applause of sizeable swathes of their citizens angered by governments unwilling or unable to deliver the benefits democracy promises.

But events in Zimbabwe illustrate a classic example of another more insidious phenomenon that is undermining African countries, that of “soft coups," which instead of military overthrow erode governance through the practice of third-termism and constitutional manipulation. Both Zimbabwe and Madagascar are examples of countries where leaders have employed strategies to extend their tenures by altering term limits or manipulating electoral frameworks to ensure winning.

 


Mnangagwa’s constitutional amendments, abolishing direct presidential elections (the president will be voted for by parliament instead), postponing elections until 2030, and extending his tenure, despite previous assurances that he would step down after his second and final term, are a textbook case of so-called "third-termism."

"Signed, sealed, and delivered – it is now law," was how Mangwana described the move in an X post. Indications that Mnangagwa ‌had changed his mind, despite fierce opposition by civil society organisations, human rights activists, and lawyers as well as opposition politicians, included statements by his ruling ZANU-PF party over the past few years that the president needed more time to complete his work.

Mnangagwa himself came into office in 2017 after taking power in what was a coup in all but name, ousting long-time incumbent Robert Mugabe in the process.


While the African Union has taken a strong stand against recent Junta takeovers in several countries across the continent, in the case of both Madagascar and Zimbabwe, the Southern African Development Community has shown a decidedly limp-wristed response, undermining its commitment to constitutionalism.

It is timely that the next issue of Africa in Fact, due for publication next week, examines the resurgence of coups across Africa, both those reminiscent of old-school military power grabs as well as soft coups, unconstitutional regime changes that vary in form but arguably are very much the same in all but name.

Why do military seizures of power appear as increasingly viable avenues to contest state authority in Africa, especially ones in which successful juntas can garner domestic support and international legitimacy? This is a question we try to answer in the issue of AIF.


Susan Russell – Editor, Africa in Fact

 

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