In an era of deepening democratic regression, southern Africa’s precedents offer important lessons for the continent. Former South African President Thabo Mbeki particularly cited the evasion of term limits as one aspect of this growing trend, a trend which the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies notes to be “at the root of a host of governance dysfunctions in Africa… linked to higher levels of autocracy, corruption, conflict, and propensity for coups.”
Mbeki lamented what he framed as a “phenomenon of a regression, from 25 years ago, a regression in South Africa here, manifesting itself in many ways, a regression on the continent…” This article highlights democratic precedents from Zambia, Namibia, and Botswana that offer hope for resisting democratic backsliding. These are practical case studies of how to counter the rise of authoritarianism, protect democratic norms, and sustain peace and stability in the region.
Speaking during a New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) commemoration on May 22 this year, Mbeki drew lessons from a democratic precedent set by the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) leadership in the early 2000s. He extolled SADC’s decisive role in preventing Zambia’s Fredrick Chiluba from extending his presidential tenure.
One of the key lessons from the Zambian experience is the centrality of morally upright regional leadership that calls each other to order. It takes leadership anchored in integrity to respect and uphold the constitutionally mandated will of the electorate. The Zambian case highlighted the importance of a united front comprising an active citizenry (electorate), civil society, and independent media, backed by leadership integrity at the parliamentary, regional, and international levels.
As noted in the UK publication, The Guardian, on May 7, 2001, “Members of his own cabinet and party denounced his scheme to run for another five years as president, and parliamentarians moved to impeach him for abuse of power. The South African and Botswanan governments pressed him not to amend the constitution. Foreign aid donors also expressed their displeasure.” Namibia also offers a vital precedent. There was no leadership vacuum when President Hage Geingob died on February 4, 2024. His death occurred at a delicate time for the nation, in his second and final term, with presidential and national elections already scheduled for November that year.
Namibia already had a precedent for presidential term limit extension in its 1998 Namibian Constitution First Amendment law. This law enabled its first president, Sam Nujoma, to serve three five-year terms. However, despite these factors, Namibia was not thrown into turmoil in 2024. Instead, it set a precedent for a smooth transition at this critical juncture, in strict adherence to its Article 34 constitutional stipulations on succession. Within hours of Geingob’s passing, Nangolo Mbumba, the vice president since 2018, stepped in as acting president and was elected substantive president in November.
Botswana also passed the test of setting a precedent for a peaceful transition from nearly 60 years of Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) rule. Former President Mokgweetsi Masisi conceded defeat in the October 2024 general elections. He further exercised responsibility by informing Botswana’s electorate that he had congratulated President-elect Duma Boko of the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC). Outgoing President Masisi’s message assured the nation of his commitment to facilitate a smooth transition and handover, placing emphasis on doing his part to build a strong country for the benefit of every citizen.
However, beyond the smooth transition, peace, security, and governance experts Tunji Namaiko and Ringisai Chikohomero of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) set out the real task for Boko and the UDC in a report published in November 2024. They cautioned that this entailed dismantling “the institutions that allowed the BDP to consolidate power and dominate the political system. The UDC must institute comprehensive constitutional and electoral reforms to improve inclusivity and to facilitate greater independence for the electoral commission, thereby levelling the playing field. “This is an urgent task for every morally upright African leader: abolishing what is gradually threatening to be a permanent shift in the continent’s governance, autocratic consolidation through presidential term limit extensions.
From the foregoing case studies, it is evident that upholding democratic values is an ongoing endeavour that requires morally upright leadership that inspires citizens’ trust and confidence. It is also evident that constitutions should be crafted for the common good, with institutions and electoral processes held in sanctity.
Sikhululekile Mashingaidze entered into the governance field while she was a part-time enumerator for Mass Public Opinion Institute’s diversity of research projects during her undergraduate years. She has worked with Habakkuk Trust, Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR-Kenya), Mercy Corps Zimbabwe and Action Aid International Zimbabwe, respectively. This has, over the years, enriched her grassroots and national-level governance projects’ implementation and management experience. Her academic research interests are in the field of genocide studies, driven by her commitment to deepening her understanding of girls' and women’s experiences and their agency in reconstituting everyday life, and their inclusion in peace-building and transitional justice processes. Socially, she has a keen commitment to supporting girls' education, women’s economic empowerment and the fulfilment of their equitable and sustainable development in Africa’s underserved, often hard-to-reach communities. She enjoys writing and telling the stories of navigating everyday life.
